Apyka'i: polícia despeja indígenas Guarani Kaiowa de terra explorada por Bumlai, preso na Lava Jato

Fonte da notícia: Assessoria de Comunicação / Cimi-MS

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Numa operação desproporcional, quase uma centena de policiais despejou nove famílias Guarani Kaiowa do tekoha Apyka'i, na manhã desta quarta, 6 de julho, no município de Dourados (MS). Os pertences dos indígenas foram retirados e colocados em caminhões, e todos os barracos foram destruídos com um trator do tipo pá carregadeira. O proprietário da fazenda, Cassio Guilherme Bonilha Tecchio, estava no local, e garantiu a servidores públicos que não violaria os túmulos dos nove indígenas enterrados no local. A área é arrendada para o plantio de cana da Usina São Fernando, propriedade de José Carlos Bumlai, preso em 2015 na Operação Lava Jato.

A operação teve início às 6 da manhã e foi realizada pela Polícia Federal, Polícia Rodoviária Federal e Polícia Militar, em cumprimento à decisão judicial de reintegração de posse da área, assinada pelo juiz substituto Fábio Kaiut Nunes, da 1a. Vara da Justiça Federal de Dourados. A Fundação Nacional do Índio (Funai) foi informada do despejo apenas quando as forças policiais haviam iniciado o procedimento.

A reintegração foi realizada mesmo com pedido da Funai de suspensão de liminar no Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF), ainda não julgado - o STF aguardava a manifestação do Ministério Público Federal (MPF) no processo para decidir sobre o pedido. Também, o despejo ocorre uma semana após a publicação de uma portaria da Funai, na última semana, estabelecendo o Grupo de Trabalho (GT) responsável pela demarcação de Apyka'i.

Os caminhões levariam os pertences dos indígenas a qualquer lugar que eles quisessem. O lugar escolhido foi a beira da estrada em frente ao tekoha, onde por mais de uma década viveram os Kaiowa e, agora, debaixo de chuva forte, a 10 graus de temperatura, os indígenas voltam a erguer novos barracos.

Prevaricação

Esta não é a primeira vez que o juiz substituto em estágio probatório da 1a. Vara da Justiça Federal de Dourados  decide pela reintegração de posse contra os Kaiowa de Apyka'i, apesar da forte oposição dos indígenas e de diversas organizações de direitos humanos do mundo todo contra o despejo.

Na última decisão, em maio, Kaiut requisitou ao governo do Mato Grosso do Sul o uso da PM para o cumprir a reintegração, mas o pedido foi negado. Em sua decisão, Kaiut exigiu que a Procuradoria Geral da República "adote as medidas cabíveis" contra o governo do estado pelo não-cumprimento. Tanbém solicitou ao Ministro da Justiça o uso da Força Nacional de Segurança (FNS), que respondeu ao magistrado não estar entre suas atribuições o despejo dos indígenas.

Dessa forma, no dia 14 de junho, uma nova decisão de Kaiut determinou novamente a reintegração de posse, "no prazo improrrogável de 15 dias, sob pena de apuração da prática de crime de prevaricação por parte dos agentes públicos federais"- ou seja, caso não cumprissem a ordem, os policiais responderiam a ação penal.

Em carta assinada por mais de 700 indígenas, o Conselho do Aty Guasu - Grande Assembleia - Guarani e Kaiowa denunciou "a perseguição que sofremos do juiz Fabio Kaiut Nunes (...) tem realizado uma verdadeira cruzada contra nosso povo, inclusive tem forçado a policia a cumprir ordem de despejo (...) mesmo quando a policia entende a ação como excessiva e não quer cumprir", e sugere que o Conselho Nacional de Justiça (CNJ) "estudem as decisões deste juiz e veja sua prática contra nosso povo".

O mesmo juiz negou pedido de indenização por danos morais coletivos contra Aurelino Arce, proprietário da empresa de segurança privada Gaspem, acusada de atos de violência contra grupos indígenas no Mato Grosso do Sul, determinando o arquivamento da ação e o pagamento de honorários advocatícios pelo MPF, no valor de R$ 3 mil, exigência considerada inédita.

O tekoha

Por mais de uma década, as nove famílias do Apyka'i viveram na beira da estrada, sofrendo ataques de seguranças privados, tendo seus barracos criminosamente incendiados a mando de produtores rurais, bebendo da água mais podre dos córregos envenenados pela monocultura - figurando, assim, como uma espécie de "comunidade modelo" do genocídio que sofrem os povos indígenas no Brasil.

Desde 2013, os indígenas retomaram parte do território reivindicado como tradicional, onde incide a fazenda Serrana, propriedade de Cassio Guilherme Bonilla, arrendada para a gigante do setor sucroalcooleiro Usina São Fernando.

Nove pessoas faleceram no local - oito, vítimas de atropelamentos, e uma envenenada por agrotóxicos utilizados nas plantações que circundam a retomada. Os moradores do tekoha sobrevivem essencialmente de doações e de cestas básicas oferecidas por apoiadores e pela Funai. Não tem acesso à água, à floresta, è educação, saúde, à segurança ou a dignidade mínima.

A usina

Instalada em Dourados em 2009, a Usina São Fernando é um empreendimento do Grupo Bertin, um dos maiores frigoríficos produtores e exportadores de itens de origem animal das Américas, e da Agropecuária JB, ligada ao Grupo Bumlai, especializado em melhoramento genético de gado de corte. Um dos territórios utilizados pela usina para produzir cana é reivindicado pelo Kaiowá do Apyka’i.

Em 2010, sob perigo de perder sua licença de operação em função de diversos descumprimentos legais em questões trabalhalistas, ambientais e indígenas, a usina teve de assinar um termo de cooperação e compromisso de responsabilidades na Justiça.

Entre as condicionantes estabelecidas pelo Ministério Público Estadual, Ministério Público do Trabalho e MPF, a usina era obrigada a não renovar o contrato de arrendamento da fazenda Serrana, de Cássio Guilherme Bonilha Tecchio, propriedade que incide sobre o território reivindicado como Apyka’i pela família de Damiana, quando o atual findasse.

Em 2015, José Carlos Bumlai foi preso no decurso da Operação Lava Jato, acusado de fazer parte de um esquema de corrupção e fraude no pagamento de dívidas de campanha eleitoral do Partido dos Trabalhadores.

LETTRE OUVERTE DROITS DE L’HOMME EN DEUIL CONTRE LE COUP D’ETAT

Historiquement, le Brésil fut constitué avec les marques de la violence coloniale: le genocide indigène, l’esclavage, l’inégalité et l’exclusion sociale, la soumission à la métropole portugaise et à l’empire britannique.


Ce standart historique résultat en ce que notre pays est un des plus inégalitaires et injustes au monde ; il a fait de nos élites une des plus cruelles et prédatrices, et de notre peuple un des plus exploités et exclus. Dans ce sens, la République et la démocratie se sont fait constituées le dos tourné à la société, cabossées par des dictatures qui, à l’avis des élites, excédaient les limites qu’elles imposaient.


Cette réalité a été tragiquement vécue lors de la dernière dictature militaire (1964-1985), quand la torture était au centre du système politique et des centaines de citoyens et de citoyennes furent assassinés et portés disparus ; des milliers torturés et exilés. La croissance économique pendant la période s’est faite sur la compression salariale, l’exclusion sociale et l’exploitation du travail esclave tant en ville comme en campagne.


Notre peuple n’a pas attendu dans sa réaction. A partir des luttes à la campagne, les grèves ouvrières, les manifestations d’étudiants, les mouvements de femmes, le mouvement du peuple noir et des banlieues, le peuple brésilien a imposé la défaite à la dictature et a restauré la démocratie. A partir de cette intense expérience de participation sociale, le peuple devint un sujet actif dans l’élaboration de la Constitution fédérale de 1988, mettant sur pied les bases d’une nouvelle démocratie dans laquelle les Droits de l’Homme étaient reconnus et des politiques publiques furent définies de manière innovatrice. Sur ces fondations constitutionnelles, les gouvernement qui s’ensuivirent bénéficiaient d’un vaste partenariat avec la société civile organisée dans la construction de systèmes inclusifs de politiques publiques, démocratisants et inducteurs de justice sociale.


Ce processus politique s’accélera et se profondisa pendant le gouvernements de Luis Inácio Lula da Silva et Dilma Vana Roussef, période qui connait l’ascension sociale de plus de 40 milliards de familles ainsi que la réduction des inégalités sociales et régionales, la démocratisation de la santé et de l’éducation, la reconnaissance de notre énorme diversité ethnique-raciale, territoriale et culturelle ; la supération de la faim et de la misère, la construction de politiques publiques pour les femmes, la population LGBT, les enfants, les adolescents, les personnes avec des handicaps et l’inclusion sociale des populations vulnérables historiquement exclues. Extérieurement, les gouvernements de Lula et Dilma se guidaient par la souveraineté et par l’indépendance dans la construction de nouveaux espaces de coopération internationale en Amérique Latine, en Afrique et ailleurs.


Depuis des décennies le peuple brésilien s’efforce de construire une nouvelle société, plus inclusive et plus solidaire, abandonnant l’ancien modèle de matrice injuste et prédestinée à l’exclusion. La réélection de Dilma Roussef, en 2014, démontra que les élites ne supportèrent plus ce cheminement d’une démocratie déclaratoire vers une démocratie substantive, d’une démocratie représentative vers une démocratie participative. Pour les élites, il était urgent de revenir à l’ordre ancien : c’était nécessaire revenir à la matrice coloniale. 


Les conspirations se faisaient furtivement et à la lumière du jour, à l’intérieur des trois pouvoirs et avec un support important des médias. La consécution de ce coup d’Etat d’un nouveau type un timing et une planification rigoureuse fut établie, suivie à la lettre par les participants implacables dans son exécution. Comme tous les précédents meneurs de coups d’Etat, d’ailleurs, ils se sont utilisés d’un récit frauduleux pour se justifier.


Le gouvernement intérin s’occupe, à chaque jour et avec une urgence vindicative, de supprimer des droits et d’éliminer des politiques publiques, de réorienter la toute récente inclusion sociale vers l’ancienne exclusion. Il s’occupe de concentrer la terre et de permettre sa vente à des étrangers, de livrer notre pétrole aux grands groupes économiques, de vider la définition légale de travail esclave, de reconduire les secteurs et militants populaires à l’invisibilité et à la criminalisation. Extérieurement, la souveraineté se transmue rapidement en obéissance aux pouvoirs globaux.


Nous revenons, ainsi, à vivre dans un Etat au service exclusif des élites: un outil à nouveau dédié à annuler les Droits de l’Homme et à promouvoir l’inégalité. La décision prise de faire le pays revenir, d’une manière programmée, à l’ancienne matrice coloniale est en marche. Un Brésil à nouveau colonisé et injuste envers son propre peuple est en train de reconstitution et de se projeter ver le futur.


Dans ce contexte, um Secrétariat de Droits de l’Homme se restreindra à être une institution taillée pour tromper et illusionner la société civile nationale et internationale – et pour légitimer la barbarie. Les élites s’attaquent une fois de plus à notre démocratie et, avec elle, aux rêves des générations pour un pays moins injuste. Au lieu de rechercher l’égalité, l’ancienne ordre se réinstalle ancrée sur l’égoïsme de classe comme programme de gouvernement.


Malgré tout ce qui nous affirmons précédamment, em choeur avec les multiples secteurs démocratiques et populaires qui descendent dans les rues de tout le pays par milliers et qui s’insurgent contre ce recul brutal: “Não vai ter golpe, vai ter luta”.


Brasília, le 6 juin 2016


Signent cette lettre les fonctionnaires du SDH:
Paulo Roberto Martins Maldos, secrétaire national de promotion et défense des droits de l’homme
Antonio José do Nascimento Ferreira, secrétaire national de promotion et défense des droits de la personne avec handicap
Laerte Dornelles Meliga, directeur du département de politiques thématiques des droits de la personne avec handicap
Christiana Galvão Ferreira de Freitas, directeure du département de promotion des droits de l’homme
Fernando Antonio dos Santos Matos, directeur do département de défense des droits de l’homme
Paulo Roberto Leboutte, chefe de gabinete da secretaria executiva
Laurenice Alves de Castro, responsable du secrétariat national de promotion et défense des droits de l’enfant et de l’adolescent
Alexandre Brasil Carvalho da Fonseca, coordinateur-général de sécurité, citoyenneté et droits de l’homme
Ana Lúcia de Lima Starling, coordinatrice-générale de l’observatoire national de droits de l’enfant et de l’adolescent
Claudio Augusto Vieira da Silva, coordinateur-général du système national de mesures socioéducatives
Itajai Oliveira de Albuquerque, coordinateur-général des droits des personnes âgées
Ivan Akselrud de Seixas, coordinateur-général du projet droit à la mémoire et à la vérité
Raimundo Nonato Soares Lima, coordinateur-général de centres de référence em droits de l’homme
Ricardo Collar, coordinateur-général de planification et budget
Silvio Silva Brasil, coordinateur-général de la commission nationale de combat au travail esclave
Sueli de Paula Dias, coordinatrice-générale de la commission d’évaluation
Symmy Larrat, coordinatrice-générale de promotion des droits des lesbiennes, gays, bissexuels, travestis et transexuels
Thiago Almeida Garcia, coordenador-geral de promotion du registre civil de naissance
Francisco das Chagas Santos do Nascimento, coordinateur de la coordination-générale des droits de la population em situation de rue
Clarice Gosse, coordinatrice de la coordination-générale d’éducation em droits de l’homme
Thais Maria Lemos Ribeiro, coordinatrice de la coordination-générale d’éducation em droits de l’homme 
Adilson Carvalho, spécialiste em politiques publiques et gestion gouvernementale
Mariana Bertol Carpanezzi, fonctionnaire
Ana Cláudia Beserra Macedo, fonctionnaire
Isadora Carvalho de Oliveira, fonctionnaire

Un million des personnes sont allées a la rue en contre le coup cette semaine

Brazil -URGENT!!! Organizations publish a statement denouncing the jailing of MST activists

Struggling for land is an exercise in citizenship

On the afternoon of May 31, one of the national leaders of the Landless Workers Movement (MST), operating in Goias, Jose Valdir Misnerovicz, was arrested in Rio Grande do Sul, in a joint operation of the Civil Police of the states of Goiás and Rio Grande do Sul. Two vehicles of Goiás Civil Police were in Rio Grande do Sul and were transferring Valdir to Goiás.

That same day MST activist Luiz Batista Borges had already been in jail for 47 days. He is from the Padre Josimo encampment in Santa Helena Goiás. He is imprisoned in Rio Verde. In view of this, organizations signing this statement are outraged at the court's partiality and want to explain to national public opinion the context and motivations for these jailings.

The arrest warrant

On April 14, 2016, a board of three judges, presided over by head judge of the District of Santa Helena de Goiás (GO) issued an arrest warrant against three small farmers: Luiz Batista Borges, Diessyka Santana, and Natalino Jesus, members of the Padre Josimo encampment, and against Jose Valdir Misnerovicz known nationally and internationally as an activist and advocate for agrarian reform.

Luiz was arrested while responding to a request to provide information at the local police station. The striking absurdity in this process is that the MST for the first time was categorized in Law No. 12,850 / 2013, which defines criminal organizations.

It seems that the court decision was worked out with the state government. Two days earlier, on April 12, the Public Safety Secretariat of the State of Goiás had downloaded the ordinance n. 446, which imposed the civil police and military state of "readiness" for two months, for supposed "protection of public order and social peace," to accompany "possible crimes in urban and rural conflicts." The Security Bureau foresaw violent demonstrations in the case of imprisonment of the leaders of the movement.

What is behid this decision?

The ruling relates to the occupation by more than 1,500 families linked to the MST of a small part of the Santa Helena Sugar Mill which is in bankruptcy. The mill is part of the NAOUM economic group, which is being accused in court of various crimes, including the concealment of documents and computer equipment in order to erase the evidence of fraud and non-compliance of labor obligations. There are more than two thousand labor claims pending against the group, which put its former employees in absolute poverty, deprived of basic survival needs. Unemployed workers have carried out constant demonstrations against the mill.

Not only that, the former directors, Messrs. Monir Naoum, William Naoum and Georges Naoum, were convicted of the crime of misappropriation of social security contributions, since they reduced the contributions due the workers and did not pass them on to the public coffers. In addition, the Group has consistently reneged on their tax obligations. After the declaration of bankruptcy, it was estimated that the group's debt to the public purse amounted to R$ 1,257,829,201.07.

Therefore, the State filed a lawsuit of tax enforcement against the Mill in the Federal Court of Anápolis. It ruled that the properties of the Santa Helena Mill should be transferred to the State to settle a small part of the debt to the Federal Treasury. And that showed that the state intended the property for INCRA for the purpose of agrarian reform.

It was then that the landless workers occupied part of the property in order to put pressure on public officials to speed up the process of transferring the property to INCRA. Once the occupation had been carried out, two court orders of reintegration of possession were filed against the occupiers in separate processes. The two court orders resulted in the forced eviction of more than 1,500 families in the encampments, who were all already producing food in the area.

However, the Superior Court of Justice (STJ) ruled that the decision of the Federal Court of Anápolis was the responsibility of the court of the District of Santa Helena de Goiás. This concluded the nullity action judged in Anápolis and decided that "the property must be intended for agroindustrial activity of sugar cane and that the landless would have difficulty carrying out such activity, causing immeasurable damage to the city of St. Helena. " It should be noted that no cane is planted in the occupied area, only soy.

Who is the criminal?

Given the above, one must ask which is the criminal organization? Who is more harmful to society? Landless workers struggling for agrarian reform, a principle enshrined in the Constitution, or the Santa Helena Mill that leaves thousands of workers on the brink of misery by not fulfilling their labor obligations, and does not honor its debts with its suppliers and the Union ?

Framing the MST as a criminal organization is the most inconsequential way to combat social movements. There is already extensive jurisprudence of the Supreme Court of Justice, the Federal Supreme Court and Courts of Justice stating that the struggle of the landless is an exercise of citizenship and therefore is not to be confused with crime. Throughout the state of Goiás there has never been any judicial condemnation of any land occupation carried out by the MST.

In the context of the political crisis that Brazil is now going through, the ordinance of the Goiás Security Bureau, putting their police in a state of readiness, is nothing more than the attempt to turn the state into a laboratory for repression of social movements. It's in the context of this crisis that the reactionary forces of the latifundios and agribusiness find support for their violent actions. In 2015, according to the CPT's report Conflicts in the Brazilian Countryside, 50 workers were killed in conflicts in the countryside, the highest number since 2004. And in these first five months of 2016, 23 workers have already been murdered. Among them the execution of two militants of the MST in Paraná stands out.

The courts almost routinely put the defense of the right to property, even when it is not fulfilling its social function, above the defense of the basic rights of citizens. It is common knowledge that agrarian reform generate more direct jobs and the circulation of wealth within the city itself, unlike the large agricultural enterprises. An example of this is the very municipality of Santa Helena de Goiás, which uses pesticides lavishly but is completely unable to produce its own food.

The arrests of Mr. Luiz Batista Borges and Valdir Misnerovicz is a clear demonstration of which side Brazilian Justice is on. When ordinary people rise up in the pursuit and defense of their rights, they are seen as criminals and a danger to society. But the dispossession of the rights of ordinary people is seen as a normal process and is the price to be paid for the development of the country. And the powers that be agree with this view.

When will we see justice emerge in our nation?

Goiânia, June 1, 2016

Cajueiro – Centro de Formação, Assessoria e Pesquisa em Juventude (Center for Youth Training, Assistance and Research)

Centro de Desenvolvimento Agroecológico do Cerrado Dom Tomás Balduino – CEDAC (Dom Tomás Balduino Center for Agroecology of the Cerrado)

Central de Movimentos Populares – CMP-GO (Center for Popular Movements of Goiás)

Comissão Dominicana de Justiça e Paz do Brasil (Dominican Commission for Justice and Peace of Brazil)

Comissão Pastoral da Terra – CPT Goiás (Pastoral Commission on Land of Goiás)

Comissão Pastoral da Terra – CPT Nacional (National Pastoral Commission on Land)

Comissão Brasileira de Justiça e Paz da CNBB (Brazilian Commission on Justice and Peace of the Brazilian Bishops Conference)

Conferência dos Religiosos do Brasil – CRB Regional Goiás (Conference of Religious of Brazil)

Federação dos Trabalhadores e Trabalhadoras Rurais na Agricultura Familiar no Estado de Goiás – Fetaeg (Federation of Rural Workers in Family Farming in the State of Goiás)

Grupo de Pesquisas sobre Trabalho, Território e Políticas Públicas – TRAPPU / UFG (Research Group on Work, Land, and Public Policies)

GWATÁ Núcleo de Agroecologia e Educação do Campo – UEG (Nucleus of Agroecology and Education in the Countryside)

Movimento Terra Trabalho e Liberdade – Democrático e Indpendente (MTL-DI) (Land, Work, and Liberty Movement – Democratic and Independent)

Movimento Camponês Popular – MCP (Popular Peasant Movement)

Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra – MST Goiás (Landless Workers Movement, Goiás)

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Cassia Bechara

Coletivo de Relacoes Internacionais

Secretaria Nacional - MST

Tel: (11) 2131 0850

Skype: cassia.bechara

Message of Brazilian Collective of Black Movement organizations to Brazilian Society

CEN - Coletivo de Entidades Negras

To President Dilma Rousseff

(With copy to)

Interim President and Putschist Michel Temer

Ban Ki-moon, UN Secretary-General

Luis Almagro, OAS (Organization of American States)

COLLECTIVE RESIGNATION FROM THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT

Due to the parliamentary, judiciary and media-driven coup that suspended the mandate of the legitimately elected President, Dilma Rousseff, and to the setup of the interim government of vice-president Michel Temer, who clearly conspired against the President, in disrespect of the Democratic State governed by the rule of law and in an attack to democracy, the “Coletivo de Entidades Negras - CEN”, a political organization of the Black Movement in Brazil, publicly declares its decision today for all its affiliates to resign immediately from all the seats assigned to CEN in the representative bodies to the Federal Government (councils, commissions and working groups).

In addition to this irrevocable decision, we seize this opportunity to denounce that the putschist and illegitimate government has shown its racist face and its lack of commitment to Brazilian black women and men with the appointment of a ministerial cabinet integrated exclusively by white men, many of whom are involved in corruption scandals, as well as with the extinction of the Secretary for Racial Equality, Women and Human Rights, although aware of the statistical data presented by the latest census, according to which the black people represents more than 50% of the Brazilian population.

Therefore, CEN makes public its non-recognition of an illegitimate and putschist government oriented by an agenda that aims to reduce rights and backtrack on all advances of the social movements over the last 30 years, and we are fully aware that the truly resistance to this coup d’état will take place on the streets, alleys, favelas and outskirts of this country, where we will fight for the restoration of a full democracy which guarantees the validity of the 54 million votes that legitimately elected the President Dilma Rousseff.

Salvador, 17 May 2016

Sincerely,

National Coordination of CEN     

The Peoples' Sovereignty Platform

PEOPLES' SOVEREIGNTY is an open platform for all those interested in the debate of how to reclaim peoples’ sovereignty, and plant the seeds of a new society.

Here you can express your opinion and read or hear the voices of those most affected by exploitation and abuses of power. Governments must REMEMBER that we the peoples are those to whom they must be accountable to, and we must continuously REMIND them of this. A government without the legitimate support of its people, is ILEGIMATE.

States must listen to people and regain control over Transnational Corporations and we will build a more democratic society, based on and guided by the framework of human rights.

Together, building on the struggles of our ancestors and shoulder to shoulder with our sisters and brothers engaged in our daily struggles WE ARE  RECLAIMING OUR SOVEREIGNTY AS PEOPLES!